Donald Tusk [Polish Prime Minister, leader of Civic Coalition]: – The situation on our eastern border is extraordinary; I think that's clear to everyone by now. What we’re dealing with there isn’t a spontaneous or accidental arrival of refugees or escapees, but rather an organized, large-scale Russian-Belarusian operation, transporting thousands of people.
What makes it worse is that most of them come from countries with which Poland doesn’t have any readmission agreements [the process of sending back illegal immigrants to the country they came from]. That means if they enter our territory, we have no way to send them back.
Anyone, regardless of who they are, – and often they turn out to be criminals from Syria trained by Belarusian services for aggressive behavior – will end up staying on our territory.
Whether they have a right to asylum or not. I’m using such strong language intentionally, because together with NATO’s other member states, we’re defining the elements of Moscow and Minsk’s strategy more clearly, especially in terms of weaponizing this against the European Union, with Poland as a primary target.
This operation is being run in a paramilitary fashion, and more frequently we see groups being organized in Syria and Iran, not just for illegal border crossings but also for behaviors that NATO must consider dangerous.
– There’s an entire recruitment system through Russian and Belarusian diplomatic outposts in several countries. Most of the people are coming from Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq, Somalia, and also Syria. These countries refuse any form of cooperation with us.
We’ve gotten disturbing signals from Syria that we’re dealing with criminals or people linked to terrorist groups. They’re being released from prisons, organized into groups of pseudo-migrants, and sent to Belarus, right to our border.
That’s just one part of the problem we’re facing. Hundreds of thousands of people are interested in reaching Europe, the migration pressure is growing, often for purely economic reasons. When I was President of the European Council during the first migration crisis [2015-2016], we worked with the UN, which estimated that around 60 million people from Africa and Asia were preparing to migrate to the EU. Many of these people are becoming pawns in Putin and Lukashenko’s hands, who are exploiting them ruthlessly and treating them as mere objects.
– Temporarily, I emphasize, temporarily we’ll halt the processing of asylum applications from those who illegally cross the Polish border, supported by Belarusian and Russian services. The right to asylum is only for those who are genuinely persecuted in their home country and whose return would threaten their lives.
However, in practice, adhering to all the legal provisions when we know that the political asylum system is being abused and weaponized by our enemies leaves the state completely powerless. If someone comes from a country with which we have no readmission agreement, illegally crosses the Polish-Belarusian border, and says they’re here for asylum, according to asylum law, we would have to let them stay in Poland—even if a quick procedure shows they don’t qualify for asylum. Physically, they stay because, without a readmission agreement, there’s no place to send them back to. This means that anyone who says the right words gets to stay in Poland, regardless of who they are, what their intentions are, or if they have any real grounds for asylum.
Of course, some of these people want to reach other countries. But other states, primarily Germany, are speeding up the so-called Dublin procedure, which allows them to send these people back to the country where they were first registered—in this case, Poland. Without decisive actions, we’ll find ourselves stuck in a no-win situation.
– If she applied for asylum, her case will be processed.
– I receive three daily reports on the situation at the border. We’re seeing between 60 and 120 people illegally crossing the border every day. It used to be much worse, with numbers hitting 600 people a day.
This drop happened because the message got out that our border is becoming harder to breach, thanks to our forces and soldiers who are constantly on duty. Every signal that it’s getting tougher to cross, and that even if you make it, it might not pay off, is the most effective barrier. We expect that our political and administrative decisions will have that exact impact. Border protection is, of course, expensive. We have tens of thousands of soldiers and officers in full combat readiness, with hundreds of them on duty every day. We won’t back down, and this isn’t a lack of compassion on my part – it's an absolutely fundamental responsibility. You’re accusing me of violating conventions....
– Refusing to accept an asylum application in certain circumstances is justified. If someone crossed the border with a weapon, dressed in a Belarusian military uniform, and said they wanted asylum, should we take them in?
– And what if we know they are not a deserter? After all, we know who’s sending the buses from Moscow and Minsk, who’s organizing charter flights from the Middle East. We can’t pretend we don’t see this.
– The feeling that EU member states, and the Union as a whole, need to regain control over their territory and borders is widespread across Europe. The issue for Polish and European democracies isn’t the slogan "regain control" itself.
Our problem is that, in many places, people have abandoned the obvious duty to safeguard the security of their nation’s territory and borders. Yes, populists understand that whoever restores border control and ensures territorial security will win the support of many people, but that doesn’t change the fact that it needs to be done.
Security, rule of law, and law enforcement are basic needs for citizens. The future of Europe and Poland will be shaped on this ground. The only question is whether it will be delivered by right-wing populists or liberal democracy.
We’ve read countless articles claiming that during a pandemic, crisis, or war, democracy is bound to lose to authoritarianism
But years ago, I made up my mind that it doesn’t have to be that way. Democrats—both in domestic and foreign policy – can’t afford to be helpless, weak, or unable to act and confront threats. When fundamental things are at risk, we must be able to fight for them. If we’re in power, we need to be tough where it’s necessary. Weakness and inaction, often hidden behind the guise of tolerance or human rights, can’t be an excuse. Governing means making tough decisions when required.
– It’s unfair that I have to explain the difference between myself and those who have shown open contempt for people of different nationalities and cultures. I don’t even want to bring up Kaczyński’s remarks about "parasites." What they were saying was pure xenophobia and racism, a deliberate attempt to stir up hostile emotions towards foreigners. And at the same time, there was a flourishing trade in visas – PiS ran the most open visa and immigration policy in the entire EU. The difference is enormous.
Right now, there’s no one in Europe who isn’t talking about the need to secure borders. The real question is whether it’s actually being done. I want to genuinely secure them, and I don’t care what religion or skin color the people who cross the border illegally have. Whether someone is White or Black, Catholic or Muslim, they cannot cross Poland’s border illegally, period. But I would never allow myself to indulge in xenophobia or contempt, let alone encourage hostility or incite aggression. And that’s not just a subtle difference – it’s a fundamental one.
– Immigration policy, including for the labor market, must be state-managed. Under PiS, it was privatized, mainly through job placement agencies that developed extraordinary relationships with provincial governors and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This immediately led to many abuses. A classic example is the so-called "pseudo-universities" that primarily operated as visa mills. I’ve heard people say it was a good solution because we had students from other continents. But there were no students – just a demand for visas. We face a similar problem with Colombia, with whom we have visa-free tourist travel as a fellow OECD country. But no one monitored it, and those "tourist" trips quickly turned into economic migration. Under PiS, Poland became a lawless port, open to anyone willing to pay.
In Europe, it’s openly acknowledged that uncontrolled migration disrupts basic social and cultural balances. If we don’t want rejection, fear, or even hatred and contempt for others to become widespread, we have to maintain the right proportions. When those balances are upset, we see the kind of conflicts currently unfolding in France or Belgium.
The labor market can’t be a wide-open gate with no controls. We need to know who is genuinely needed.
– Poland has long been both an emigrant and immigrant country. That’s why a key part of our strategy is to encourage Poles who have emigrated, as well as their descendants, to return. We have the chance to build a nation that is safe and stable. When even the British admit that in three or four years, we’ll be earning about as much as they do, there’s no reason why our citizens living in the UK shouldn’t come back. And I see no reason why citizens from other European countries shouldn’t move here either – many already are. I don’t want the labor market issue to hang over us like a looming threat of an uncontrolled influx of people from all over the world. If people see that the government knows what it's doing, that there’s control, they’ll feel more secure. What PiS did was certainly not the solution: let everyone in, abandon them, and then stir up as much hostility as possible. That was a recipe for disaster.
– Some people think my voters will turn away from me, while others believe I’ll gain more. But it’s politicians who use migration and human rights as political fuel that are on the fast track to hell.
That’s a sin I won’t commit. The tough actions at the border weren’t driven by political calculation. It was my duty, even if it’s unacceptable to those more sensitive to human suffering. A state must exercise power, and when there’s no other option, we have to use it to protect our borders. If I’ve lost the support of certain individuals, it’s the price that has to be paid.
– The emotions have subsided, but the people are still here – brave and wise. Those two massive, record-breaking marches and the historic voter turnout were fueled by anger and the sense that this was a moment that couldn’t be missed, that victory and normalcy were within reach. It was a magnificent display of maturity, wisdom, and strength by Poles. But everything has its time.
There was the fight, the high emotions, the victory, and now comes the work and the daily routine. Normalcy doesn’t spark outrage, but it also doesn’t stir great emotions. When we’re deprived of oxygen, we’re ready to fight for it, but when we have plenty, we just breathe and move on to other things.
– You asked about those marches and that enthusiasm – wasn’t this exactly what people were fighting for? Didn’t they dream of journalists grilling the prime minister for being too slow with accountability? A year ago, these people thought they were untouchable. Now they’re fleeing abroad, seeking lawyers and legal loopholes, but the wheels of justice are turning. Too slowly? Perhaps it needs some fine-tuning, but thieves and criminals should be caught and tried quickly. However, let’s not forget what we have to work with – a system that was dismantled, politicized, booby-trapped, and sealed off with Andrzej Duda’s automatic veto. They believed they would remain untouchable even after losing power. Fortunately, there are smart and brave people in Poland – those who defended the judiciary against degeneration for years. It’s only thanks to them that the system still works. I understand the impatience, but let’s give them time, respect their independence, and trust them a bit.
– Tremendously. For years, PiS has been building its version of legalized lawlessness. They stole according to procedure – as Minister Horała admitted in a moment of candor – they destroyed the rule of law, passing laws we can’t change without the president’s approval, they introduced long-term appointments at the last minute, and they’ve been systematically wrecking the civil service while massively replacing staff. I could go on for an hour, but there’s no use in complaining – we need to move forward and not give them a moment’s respite. They’re the ones in an increasingly difficult position, hence the escalation of aggression in their statements. And as we know, aggression is a sign of weakness. Kaczyński is hysterical, and he has every reason to be. He knows I won’t back down – we’ve known each other for many years, after all.
– Threatening violence and the possibility of confrontation has been his political arsenal for years. Frightened people in power tend to act this way. And they can be effective for quite some time, because moderate people, centrists, and liberals generally don’t like direct confrontation. But a year ago, democracy decided to fight back, and today it’s paying off. The aggressor is now scared, and people have realized that political evil doesn’t have to keep winning. PiS’s strength came from the weakness of the other side – demoralized by power, lacking faith, and leadership. That’s over.
– Let’s be patient. Of course, everyone has their own ideas, and the simpler they are, the easier they are to believe in. But I rely on the opinions of lawyers and experts, on assessing what’s possible now and what’s possible later, and on common sense. When legal opinions differ, and the experts are divided, I take the risk of making the decision myself. Cleaning up PiS’s mess in the judiciary and public institutions will take some time.
Where legislative changes are needed, that "some time" means 290 days. I’m being very careful to ensure that the desire for swift change doesn’t lead to legal chaos and worsen the institutional disorder PiS left behind.
– European democracy has seen coalitions like this before. Of course, it would be easier for me to work with my own majority, but that’s the voters’ decision, and we can’t argue with that. We have different views on many issues, but the most important thing is that my partners are decent, honest people. And that’s probably the most solid glue holding this coalition together.
– And I’m doing everything I can, even more. We’re changing the reality through executive actions, pushing to the absolute limit of what we can do as a government within the current legal framework. Ministry guidelines for prosecutors and hospitals reverse the previous inhumane logic of oppression and introduce a completely new practice in which women can feel safe. We tried in the Sejm. I held out hope until the very end that some MPs would change their minds. I can discipline MPs from the Civic Coalition, because that was our commitment,
but I can’t force those from other parties, especially since they didn’t hide their views during the election campaign. But we’re not giving up.
– A coalition means that sometimes, someone has to give in. This understandably frustrates voters. However, I am confident that we will find common solutions for housing support and health insurance contributions for the entire coalition before the end of the year. I genuinely believe that. And regarding what we may not be able to achieve in the near term, I will have honest discussions with our voters. People can understand and accept realities, but they won't tolerate or forgive lies and weakness.
– The confusion around IDEAS NCBR, the AI research center, is the responsibility of ministers from the Left. They’re also the ones tasked with sorting out this unnecessary mess immediately. I’ll be keeping a close eye on the process.
As for the big, aspirational projects: PiS didn’t leave behind any nuclear power plants or major transport hubs, just poorly prepared contracts, thousands of highly-paid jobs, a forest cleared for a Chinese car factory, and an empty airport in Radom. My government, like it did with highways in the past, won’t just paint beautiful visions; we will make them a reality.
– The absolute priority has been to strengthen Poland’s security. We’ve worked to pull the country out of isolation. We have restored and enhanced our position in the European Union and globally. We’ve unlocked substantial funding from the EU and reinstated the rule of law. We’re addressing the corruption and other crimes of politicians who thought they were untouchable. And something that is often overlooked is the financial support we’re providing to families.
We are the ones who implemented the 800+ [programme to support families in partially covering the expenses of raising a child]. We're introducing a 1500-zloty "grandparent benefit". There have been pay raises for teachers and social workers. People with disabilities have received the promised supplement to their social pensions, which is over 2200 zlotys. This is, of course, not everything, and it's only been a year since the elections – not since taking over the power. Let’s not forget there were two months of the Morawiecki circus to start with. Then – let me remind you – we had to wrestle for power, with all those scuffles, blockades, and office occupations that we all remember.
– In my government, neither the women nor the men cry. Everyone knows how tough the job is and that there’s no room for softness, now or ever. I haven’t seen any tears – what I do see at every cabinet meeting is determination and a kind of competitive drive.
– Unfortunately, I’ve had plenty of experience dealing with situations like this. Floods, whirlwinds, landslides – we’ve had to deal with all of it before. The presence of the Prime Minister or ministers doesn’t just motivate local authorities, it also shortens the decision-making process, gives the government quick and direct information, and allows for immediate action. The situation was extraordinary, so our actions had to be swift and extraordinary as well. I couldn’t imagine sitting in Warsaw waiting for the standard flow of paperwork.
– Is there anything PiS doesn’t criticize me for? I don’t know what they’d even talk about if I weren’t around. But seriously, on this issue at least, they could keep quiet. The fight against the flood was already underway while they were throwing a political party outside the Sejm. I don’t need to say much – everyone saw it. Their press conferences in front of a couple of cans of fish and other pathetic setups. They have no shame, honestly. They’re not worth the time. What’s worth noting is that, for the first time ever, the first crisis meeting took place before the rain even started.
– Every disaster is a test for individuals, institutions, and procedures. The lessons are being gathered, analysed, and will be turned into a plan and set of recommendations. Every mistake will be a learning opportunity for us, and every weak point will be addressed. The commissioner for reconstruction is already working on this. My personal reflections are of secondary importance here, but I’ll tell you that, beyond the tragedy and suffering, I also saw strength and heroism, extraordinary kindness and a desire to help, professionalism, and truly brave, remarkable people. That gives me hope and is a huge source of motivation.
– A strong Poland means a strong Europe. Nothing would be worse for Europe, or for Poland, than the return of people whose main goal was to constantly attack the core values of Europe and jeopardise Poland's place in it. So, there’s nothing better I can do for the EU than what I’m doing for Poland.
I also won’t be convinced that real European politics is just what Brussels bureaucrats are concerned with. Of course, they’re doing important work, and I don’t question that.
But real care for the European Union today means securing its borders, ensuring military security, and preparing for potential attacks from hostile states.
– I still have a sense of incomplete satisfaction, but both the narrative and certain mechanisms and decisions in Europe have changed radically. I’ll be a little immodest here – I’ve had quite a big part in that. I’m almost 100 percent sure there will be European support for funding and logistical aid for the protection of our eastern border. I’ve also succeeded in convincing most European partners of the need to build a joint air defence system.
– Ukraine needs support, and Poland has been providing it from the start, both militarily and socially, regardless of who’s in power. Of course, the great wave of solidarity, something that was impressive on a global scale, couldn’t last forever at the same intensity. That’s natural. It’s also natural that sometimes we have objective conflicts of interest, like the grain issue or opening the EU market to Ukraine, which has caused significant tensions and understandable fears, and sometimes even anger, among Polish producers, farmers, and transport companies.
The relationship between two countries is never entirely straightforward. Our difficult history resurfaces in waves, and we can’t turn a blind eye to those emotions, but our strategy won’t change. It’s in Poland’s interest to support Ukraine, and Ukraine’s defeat would be a tragedy for Poland.
I have no complaints about my relations with Ukrainian leaders. You have to speak very openly, firmly, and stand your ground when you know it’s necessary, while being absolutely clear on strategic matters.
– For many years now, I’ve tried not to get overly emotional about things I can’t control. Regardless of the election results, America will still expect much greater independence from Europe on the most difficult issues, whether it’s the situation in Ukraine or defence spending.
That’s why Poland’s task will be to strengthen transatlantic relations as much as possible, no matter which party is in power in the US or EU countries. There’s no alternative to a close relationship between the EU, the UK, the US, and Canada. We face shared challenges. America is more concerned about China, while in Europe we’re more worried about Russia’s aggressive and unpredictable policies. Then there are the civilisation and technological issues, including artificial intelligence. We can’t allow ourselves to become distant worlds. The transatlantic region, including the UK and Canada, needs to become more integrated in terms of political interests and goals. I’ll also be encouraging Europe to return, regardless of the US election results, to serious discussions about a free trade zone. America is full of people who understand the huge benefits of doing business with Europe, and really, neither they nor we have a better partner. So there’s nothing to fear here, just a need to work towards strengthening our ties, regardless of the election outcome.
– On Saturday, 7th December.
– The person who spoke at our last convention.
Translation: Patrycja Eiduka
This article was written in the framework of The Eastern Frontier Initiative (TEFI) project. TEFI is a collaboration of independent publishers from Central and Eastern Europe, to foster common thinking and cooperation on European security issues in the region. The project aims to promote knowledge sharing in the European press and contribute to a more resilient European democracy.
Members of the consortium are 444 (Hungary), Gazeta Wyborcza (Poland), SME (Slovakia), PressOne (Romania), and Bellingcat (The Netherlands).
The TEFI project is co-financed by the European Union. Views and opinions expressed are however those of the author(s) only and do not necessarily reflect those of the European Union or the European Education and Culture Executive Agency (EACEA). Neither the European Union nor EACEA can be held responsible for them.
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