Leader of Georgian Opposition: "Widespread Election Fraud"

Elene Khoshtaria: Before the election, we were confident the pro-Western opposition would win. Independent polls and opposition-backed organizations all confirmed this. When we saw the numbers on the screen, we felt immense joy and satisfaction.

But we’re not naive. We all know too well that the authorities in Georgia are closely linked to Moscow. From the outset, we factored in the risk that the results might not be enough, that this might not necessarily be the end of the process.

Many observers of Georgian politics have doubts about this. Some openly say you entered the election without a "Plan B."

That’s not quite accurate. I don’t want to say if we were nervous or not, but I want to stress that we switched to a different plan of action. The situation forced this on us. Of course, we knew that Bidzina Ivanishvili, the leader of Georgian Dream, likely had several scenarios in mind to hold onto power.

We just couldn’t predict which one he’d choose or how members of his party would act. It quickly became apparent that Ivanishvili opted for a brazen maneuver, showing no intention of relinquishing power.

What do you mean by a "brazen maneuver"?

Georgian Dream executed what we now call a hybrid special operation. Within hours of the Central Election Commission releasing preliminary results, it was clear to us that the methods the authorities used to falsify the vote were straight out of the Russian playbook.

Some analysts argue that the extent of the fraud may not have been as severe as you suggest.

The instances of fraud we've confirmed so far are indisputable. They shape how our Western partners view the election issue in Georgia. To them, it’s obvious the election was unfair and undemocratic. Independent international organizations have confirmed numerous violations during the vote, including breaches of voting secrecy, ballot stuffing, and vote-buying.

And that’s not the end of it. We’re still gathering evidence. We already know that the election rigging was on a massive scale. This isn’t about a handful of incidents.

The authorities were claiming votes from Georgians living abroad, buying votes, and orchestrating so-called "carousels", where the same people voted repeatedly at different polling stations.

The list goes on. Right now, we’re compiling all documentation on this to soon present it to our Western partners.

I understand that gathering evidence is now a priority?

I wouldn’t put it that way. To us, it’s evident that the election was rigged – there is already proof. The president knows, independent organizations know, and the crowd at Monday's protest in Tbilisi shows that Georgians are aware as well. None of us doubts this. We’re focused on gathering confirmations and evidence that we can present to our partners, which will help us establish to what extent this was a Russian-backed operation.

What else, besides gathering evidence?

We have important political tasks ahead. We intend to push for an international investigation. With our gathered documentation, we plan to approach international institutions to investigate specific cases.

Representatives of the ruling party have already stated that they will not allow independent experts to conduct this investigation, which is telling in itself: if there’s nothing to hide, then what’s there to fear?

Is it even possible to gather evidence proving the election was rigged if the ruling party refuses to allow an audit?

To get a full picture, we would need their cooperation, but we can’t count on that. In this case, rather than pressuring us, I believe the West should pressure the ruling party to commit to transparency.

I can only assure you that we’ll document more than enough cases of irregularities, fraud, and violations to make it clear to everyone that these elections cannot be recognized as legitimate.

And that there must be a rerun. Our next step is to demand new elections, but this time under the supervision of international institutions, as was done in Montenegro and Kosovo.

You make it sound simple, but this is all incredibly complex and involves tedious procedures.

But we have no other choice. Bidzina Ivanishvili, together with Moscow, has completely undermined the institution of elections in Georgia. There isn’t a single legal mechanism we can rely on. Our political goal is to delegitimize this government.

How do you plan to do that?

The parliament should not be convened. The opposition will refuse to take up seats or participate in sessions. Civil disobedience and international pressure are also necessary.

Do you believe that will be enough? International organizations that observed the elections, including the OSCE, were fairly restrained in their statements. Some expressed concern about the election process, but they also voiced hope that the "newly elected government" would perform well.

Unfortunately, I’m not at all surprised by those cautious reactions. The OSCE is neither the only nor the most authoritative organization capable of providing an authentic assessment of the election. And even the OSCE could not deny that the elections were conducted improperly and cannot be considered free and democratic.

Besides the OSCE, there are several other organizations whose research and evaluations are worth paying attention to, such as the NDI.

The people’s trust is the highest form of legitimacy for elections. According to Georgian Dream, one in two Georgian citizens voted for the ruling party. That’s simply absurd, especially given that the day after the election, about a hundred thousand people were protesting in the streets of Tbilisi.

Regardless of how quickly the OSCE "catches up" with reality, I believe the West’s stance is already appropriate and clear. Many of our international partners have already voiced strong support for Georgians, fully understanding the need to stand with them.

You mentioned the opposition’s boycott of parliament, but Georgian law suggests the ruling party could soon begin parliamentary work even without opposition members.

But what kind of parliament is that? They have a duty to govern the country, right? How do they plan to do that if neither Georgians nor the international community will tolerate their actions?

There are countries that operate precisely that way.

I don’t think Georgians will allow it. The anger and frustration with the government are immense. Admittedly, we are going through a deep political crisis. The fact that their MPs will gather in parliament doesn’t change that.

Many experts, and some Georgians, admit that the ruling party’s campaign was effective, with their warnings about a potential "Ukraine scenario", where Georgia could fall victim to Russian aggression, proving persuasive.

It wasn’t persuasive – they lost the election. If they had to falsify the election on such a scale to achieve their result, how can anyone talk about the effectiveness of their campaign?

When I was in Georgia in the spring, people were protesting against the so-called "Russian foreign agent law". The overall mood among people was tenser and more agitated then. Today, Georgians seem remarkably calm; Monday’s protest ended peacefully after just two hours. What’s behind this?

We wanted it to be peaceful. The goal was to make public statements, emphasize that we stand united, and that nothing has been decided yet. And to show the world that we don’t accept what Georgian Dream is doing. There will be more protests. Georgians will gather on the streets, and those who took part in the fraud will face consequences.

Do you think it’s possible for Georgian Dream to relinquish power?

They don’t have to hand it over – we have to take it from them. If that doesn’t happen, there will be no Georgia.

Elene Khoshtaria – opposition leader of the Droa party and parliamentarian. During the election campaign, she joined the Coalition for Change.

Translation: Patrycja Eiduka